Britain was close to famine, and the sending of more food in and probably would have meant increased losses through sinking s in proportion to the increased shipping tonnage used. If, however, we were to send agricultural machinery to England—where factories had been converted to munitions production and available labor was badly needed for war work—more of the needed food could be grown on British soil.
Thus it was believed that there was a distinct advantage in shipping machinery. The British Isles have been an important base for our military operations, and our soldiers in Britain have been supplied with large amounts of food under reverse lend-lease.
Some part of this food has come from the lawns and playing fields—where crops had not grown for centuries—that the British plowed up with the aid of American machinery:. The same has been true of our shipments of farm equipment to Australia and New Zealand, shipments which have figured in criticisms of lend-lease. Considering the speed with which enormous quantities of materials have been handled, as well as the competing requirements of our allies and our own civilian and military needs, few critics deny that the lend-lease record is a good one.
Other agencies have had a chance to examine requests for goods of which there is a shortage in the United States. No request has been approved until the-needs of all claimants, including our own civilians, were studied. There have been cases, of course, in which wrong goods have been sent under lend-lease, the right goods were sent to the wrong place, or articles were put to wrong uses. Defenders of lend-lease point out, however, that such cases have been very few compared to those in which the right goods have gone to the right place at the right time.
Most of those who have studied the administration of lend-lease believe that it has been well handled, taking into account the stress of the times. A ship sometimes sails in a hurry; sometimes it is delayed or does not sail at all. In some degree, such losses and waste are a part of lend-lease because they are a part of war. There has been much honest criticism of lend-lease. There has also been a crop of rumors, some amusing and far fetched, others perhaps aimed at planting seeds of dissension between the allies.
The most persistent of the rumors have centered around butter. As the ration point value of butter rose, the rumors became more extravagant. It was said that we shipped so much butter to the U. But actually the butter that went to the Soviets—desperately short in dairy products—was relatively small in volume and was used largely in hospitals. In the summer of a story was being spread in upper New York State about a man who went hunting in the North Woods. No lend-lease butter has been shipped to Canada or to any other country except the U.
Rumors have been recurrent that lend-lease was footing the bill for a host of frivolous things, ranging from nylon stockings, Scotch whisky, and traveling cases to gowns for a noted duchess and a dinner party in a fashionable Washington hotel for a member of an allied mission.
To check off the last items first, all procurement of lend-lease goods and services is made by requisition, and there is no way by which anyone can requisition a dinner party or an evening gown. No requests for dinner parties or gowns have ever been made by foreign governments. As for the nylon hose, a Sydney, Australia, paper in November reported that American nylon hose would go on sale in local stores.
Upon investigation, however, it was found that the story was planted by political opponents of an Australian member of Parliament who was up for re-election. It had no foundation in fact, and was promptly repudiated by the embarrassed Australian government. The allegation that whisky, traveling cases, and other luxury items were provided under lend-lease had at least a kernel of truth. Such articles were once requested by officers of a British battleship being overhauled in an American Navy yard.
The officers asked for something customarily supplied in their own navy yards. Since whisky and traveling cases are not issued to American personnel, the Navy Department turned down the request.
One story that pops up with unusual persistence is about gasoline. In varied versions it relates that the American forces in the field sold a large amount of gasoline to the British at such and such a place. The price was 2 cents a gallon or 9 cents a gallon or thereabouts. Later, the supply situation at that spot was reversed and we had to buy gas from the British. It cost us—sometimes the story says for the same gas—anywhere from 36 to 45 cents a gallon.
The way exact figures are mentioned in these stories make them sound as if they must be correct. Actually the alleged prices are the giveaway. The fact is that the United States does not sell gasoline to the British and the British do not resell it to us. We supply it to them under lend-lease without cost to them and they supply it to its under reverse lend-lease without cost to us. Each government keeps records of how much it originally spent for the gasoline, but money never changes hands in lend-lease transfers.
More sinister was the rumor that the Soviets were trading some of the lend-lease planes obtained from us to the Japanese for rubber and that the planes were being used later—allegedly—against our forces in the Pacific.
Rumors of this kind, frequently heard on Axis radio broadcasts, have been investigated and found baseless by the State Department and other agencies.
To such malicious tales the truth is a good and sufficient answer. However, there is evidence on the other side too. Many a GI has seen with his own eyes the effect against the enemy of lend-lease weapons in the hands of allied fighters.
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